WOMEN IN THE MOSQUE – PART 2

WOMEN IN THE MOSQUE – PART 2
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LATER DEVELOPMENTS

In the second period, the Makkan sanctuary underwent some changes. `Umar ibn al-Khattab, the second caliph, bought the surrounding houses, tore them down, and surrounded the area with a wall. However, there were no walls or barriers separating men from women within the courtyard.

During his reign, Muslims conquered and spread into many countries. As a result, they founded garrison towns, each containing a mosque, an administrative office, and a dwelling for the commander-in-chief in the center. This points to the mosque’s importance in public life. In Basra and Kufa (`Iraq), the mosques were almost exact reproductions of the Prophet’s mosque. In Fustat (Egypt), however, there was one important difference: multiple entrances. Although there is no evidence of partitions separating men from women, it is possible that women could have used separate entrances.

Perhaps the most important mosque built during this period is Jerusalem’s al-Aqsa mosque. It too was initially a simple rectangular structure, much like the Prophet’s mosque. This mosque seems to be the first one to have a clear partition separating men and women, for there seems to have been three maqsurat (separate enclosures or compartments shut off by wooden lattices or even by balustrades) for women in 912/13.

The first maqsurah, probably built during the early Umayyad era, was an enclosure near the mihrab that separated the ruler from the people. This was regarded as an innovation unique to the Islamic world and was condemned by some scholars. From this evidence, we can conclude that there could be an indication of gender segregation in the second period’s material record. However, it is unclear how widespread it was.

The most important textual source for the second period is the Hadith literature, which was mostly gathered and documented during the ninth century. The most famous “canonical” collections are those of Ibn Majah (824-56), al-Bukhari (820-70), Muslim (817-75), Abu Dawud (817-89), al-Tirmidhi (d. 892), and al-Nasa’i (830-915).

Each hadith comes with a chain of transmission identifying each transmitter, all the way back to the Prophet. These collections contain several traditions pertaining to women in the mosque. As discussed previously, neither their authenticity nor the transmitters’ reliability are of concern here. Whether individuals fabricated some of the reports or not is irrelevant, since they are not used as sources of information about the Prophet, but rather as sources about the composers or the transmitters. Thus, they are taken as reflections of social trends shortly after the Prophet’s demise up to the time of their compilation.

The following are some of the relevant reports found in the Hadith collections: The Prophet said that a dog, an ass, and a woman interrupt prayer if they pass in front of the believer, interposing themselves between him and the qiblah

This hadith, which is found in some of the major Hadith collections, appears to be aimed at placing women behind men during prayer. However, other ahadith
contradict it. These seem to be of five types. The first type is attributed to `A’ishah, who is said to have responded with the following words:

You compare us now to asses and dogs. In the name of God, I have seen the Prophet saying his prayers while I was there, lying on the bed between him and the qiblah . And in order not to disturb him, I did not move.

`A’ishah’s tradition, with minor variations, is also found in many of the major Hadith collections. She criticized the lumping together of women with dogs and donkeys, both of which can be regarded as insults. She brought evidence from her own experience with the Prophet to contradict the report. Four more tradition types state the following:

The Prophet used to pray while carrying Umamah bint Zaynab, the daughter of the Messenger of God, and Abu al-`As ibn Rabi`ah ibn `Abd Shams. When he prostrated himself, he put her down; when he got up, he carried her.

The Prophet led them in prayer in al-Batha’. He prayed the two zuhr rak`as, during which a goat was in front of him, and the two asr rak`as, during which a woman and a donkey were crossing in front of him.

From `Abd Allah ibn `Abbas: “I came riding on a female donkey and was approaching adulthood (ihtilam) at that time, while the Prophet was leading the people in prayer at Mina without any walls. I crossed in front of some of the people in the row, came down and sent the donkey to graze, and entered into the row. Nobody disapproved.”

From `Ali ibn Abi Talib on the pulpit: “Oh people! I heard the Prophet (pbuh) say: ‘Only excrement can disrupt a man’s prayer.’ I do not shy away from telling you what the Prophet did not shy away from.” And he said the excrement is if he breaks wind or if he farts.

The abundant reports of the first tradition, as well as the responses to it, portray a lively debate that seems to have started early in the interactive period. The traditions represent two conflicting views: The first places women behind men, so as not to interrupt men’s prayers, whereas the second affirms that women can pray in front of men. These conflicting reports reflect two distinct trends within the Muslim community. The people who transmitted or composed the first tradition can be seen as belonging to the pro-segregation group. One member of this group could be Abu Dharr, to whom the first tradition seems to be attributed. The people responsible for spreading the contrasting traditions, such as `A’ishah, can be viewed as opposing gender apartheid. However, the difference is not always clear-cut. For example, al-Bukhari reports both traditions. It is possible, therefore, that some transmitters did not belong to either group but were mainly interested in preserving the traditions.

Further traditions give a better picture of the liveliness of this debate.

For example: The better rows for men are the first ones, and the worst are the last
ones; the better rows for women are the last ones and the worst are the
first ones.

The above hadith seeks to place women behind men in prayers. However, there are problems associated with this tradition. The first problem is related to interpretation. For example, al-Fanjari interprets it not as preventing women from praying next to men, but as a means to organize congregants in crowded situations. However, his interpretation is at odds with the example of the most crowded mosque of all: that of Makkah.

Among the evidence al-Fanjari cites is a tradition showing that a beautiful woman used to pray behind the Prophet and in front of other men. The context of that hadith is meant to explain a particular Qur’anic verse: “To us are known those of you who hasten forward, and those who lag behind” (15:24). It does not seem to be purposely aimed at delineating a woman’s place during prayer. I would argue that the tradition of the “beautiful woman” is not really aimed at legitimizing women praying in front of men, but seems to preserve a memory of them doing so.

Another problem is the “better than” formula. Perhaps the first hadith is expressed in the form of “better than,” rather than a clear prohibition because the memory of women praying in front of men during the Prophet’s time, as well as in Makkah, was too strong to be denied. The “better than” formula could be a means of introducing new practices and harmonizing them with the old practices. Since it is not a clear prohibition, it avoids the kind of thundering response seen above in some of the previously cited ahadith.

A third problem has to do with how the first rows were perceived in relation to the latter ones. Some evidence points to the fact that the first rows were perceived as superior, especially the very first one, for God and the angels bless the first row and the first few rows. The Prophet used to ask forgiveness for the first row three times and for the second row only two times. Consequently, he urged the believers to move forward in the rows, fill them up, and not leave empty spaces.

To deny women access to the first row and the blessings of God and the angels seems unjust and not in keeping with the spirit of fairness that characterizes Islam. It is also in conflict with Surat al-Nahl, which addresses gender discrimination right from the moment a baby girl is born:

16:58-59 When news is brought to one of them of the birth of a female, his face remains dark and he bottles it up. He hides himself from his people, because of the bad news he has received. Should he keep it in contempt or should he bury it in the dust? Alas, bad is their judgment.

Those who keep women in contempt (i.e., a state of disempowerment) are sa’a ma yahkumun. God criticizes their judgment and pronounces it “bad.”

61:4 There also may be a problem of misplaced context in this hadith. Nothing in the text places it within the context of prayers. In fact, the Qur’an associates “row” (saff) with battle rows: “God loves those who fight in his cause in a row, as if they were an ordered structure”, not with prayer rows. When reading this hadith together with the Qur’an, the first association would be with war. In other words, the Prophet encouraged women to stay behind the lines during battle. The connection with prayer (salat) comes at a later time, in the fiqh headings of the various Hadith compilations. The headings, which were used to categorize the traditions, are only organizational tools applied to the Hadith compilations, and thus stem from a much later date than the original hadith.

Thus, one could argue that a tradition that originally arose in a context of
war was later adopted for use in organizing prayers.

However, another tradition does place it in the context of prayer.

“Shall I direct you to that by which God grants remission from sins and increase in rewards?” They said: “Yes, O messenger of God.” He said: “To amply perform the ritual abolution over what is distasteful, the large number of steps to these mosques, to wait for the [following] ritual prayer after [having completed] the ritual prayer. There is not a man among you who goes out of his home, after having purified himself, and then prays the prayer together with the Muslims and then sits in the gathering and awaits the next prayer, but that the angels say: ‘O God, forgive him; O God grant him mercy!’ So when you stand up in prayer straighten your lines, complete them and fill the empty spaces, for I see you behind my back. When your leader says: ‘God is greater,’ then say: ‘God is greater.’ When he bows down, bow down. When he says: ‘God hears whoso praises him,’ then say: ‘O God, the praise is yours.’ The better rows for men are the front ones, and the worst are the last ones. The better rows for women are the last ones and the worst are the front ones. O women, when the men prostrate themselves, then lower your gaze, so you do not see the private parts of the men due to the tightness of their loincloths.”

The above version appears to be a composite hadith made up of smaller ones. If this is indeed the case, then the misplaced context belongs to the second time period.

Another tradition is also used to argue for women praying in the mosque behind the men.

“The Prophet prayed in the home of Umm Sulaym. I got up together with an orphan behind him and Umm Sulaym [was] behind us.”

But this tradition does not take place in a mosque and, as such, does not apply to women in the mosque. We do not know whether her position had anything to do with gender or if it was only because she got up after the others. In one version, she had invited the Prophet to lunch. Thus, she may have been clearing up. In another version, they were praying on a rug or a cover, so there may not have been enough room for her in the front row. One or even a few isolated incidents do not make a rule or a prescribed normative practice. It also is important to note that only a small group – four people – prayed that particular prayer, so the woman had access to the imam.

One of the rare mentions of women in a clan-type mosque is the Umm Waraqah tradition:

“Umm Waraqah bint `Abd Allah ibn al-Harith al-Ansari had collected the Qur’an, and the Prophet, may peace and blessings be upon him and his family and his Companions, had commanded her to lead the people of her area (dar) in prayer. She had her own mu’adhdhin, and she used to lead the people of her area (dar).”

It is unclear exactly what is meant by dar. According to Bulugh al-Amani, the commentary on Ibn Hanbal’s Hadith collection, the apparent meaning included the mu’adhdhin (a man who calls people to prayer), a ghulam (a male slave), and a jariyah (a female slave). However, this is disputed. The use of a mu’adhdhin indicates that a significant number of people were involved. Dar also could mean a larger territory (e.g., dar al-Islam, dar al-Harb, and dar al-Madinah).

The word dar appears in another tradition as well. It states that a woman, Umm Humayd, liked to pray with the Prophet in his mosque, but he responded to her as follows:

“I know that you like to pray with me, but your praying in your home (baytiki) is better for you than your praying in your house (hujratiki), and your praying in your house is better for you than your praying in your area (dariki), and your praying in your area is better for you than your praying in the mosque of your tribe (masjid qawmiki), and your praying in the mosque of your tribe is better for you than your praying
in my mosque.” So she commanded that a mosque be built for her in the furthest and darkest corner of her home (bayt), and she used to pray there until she died.”

The above hadith appears to outline a hierarchy of prayer areas, ranging from the most secluded to the most public. The smallest and most secluded place seems to be the bayt. Since Umm Humayd prayed in its furthest and darkest corner, most likely it was her home or her room.

Judging by the homes of the Prophet’s wives, they seem to have been comprised of one room each. So Umm Humayd’s home also may have been comprised of one room. The next category, hujrah, could be the house in which several people, all belonging to one family, lived (e.g., the Prophet and his wives). This could have been a complex made up of several rooms surrounding a courtyard. In the above context, dar probably refers to the area where the clan or extended family members lived. It also could have included several such complexes. The people inhabiting this area probably gathered to pray in the house of the person who led their group prayers. These could have taken place in an enclosed area or a courtyard, which may or may not have included a roof, such as the Prophet’s mosque, which seems to have been architecturally the courtyard of his house. The next category would be the tribal mosque and then the Prophet’s mosque, which would have been the most public.

The above tradition seeks to keep women away from mosques altogether, not just to limit their space. This third trend within the Muslim community gained prominence over time. Notably, we can see the “better than” formula appears in this tradition as well. In addition, there are other problems associated with the above hadith, one of them being that of context. The above hadith could have come in the context of performing part of the prayers at home and the rest in the mosque. This also applies to men. An example of a hadith to that effect is as follows:

“Allot your home some of your prayers, and do not turn them into graves.”

A further problem is that this hadith is in conflict with a Qur’anic verse:

4:15 Those who commit fornication (fahisha) from your women, get four witnesses against them from among you. If they should testify, then confine them to homes until death claims them or God opens up a way for them.

Confining women to the home was a legal punishment for fornication, provided that four witnesses testified to her guilt. Therefore, it can be argued that it would be illegal to implement such a punishment against an innocent woman. This is also in keeping with the character of Surat al-Nisa’. From its very first verse, a theme is established, that of a close bond with one’s kin (arham) and cautiousness in one’s relationships with them in order to safeguard oneself from God’s punishment (taqwa).

Such hateful practices as polygamy, wife beating, and home imprisonment
were severely restricted. The straight path was no longer wide open, but was narrowed down so that such practices could be used only in tightly defined, exceptional circumstances.

In the dynamic atmosphere of the interactive period, contradictory traditions certainly would be expected. For example, the following tradition narrates:

“Do not prevent the female servants of God from the mosques of God.”

This tradition is quite common in the books of hadith. `Umar ibn al-Khattab and his family figure very strongly in the above tradition. `Umar seems to have disliked his wife’s going to the mosque and to have told her so. She is reported to have insisted on going unless `Umar prohibited her.

But since he would not do this, due to the above hadith, she continued to frequent the mosque until his death. His son `Abd Allah also figures very strongly as a transmitter of the above tradition. In addition, there are reports of a dispute between him and his son Bilal, who seems to have prevented his wife from going despite the above hadith.

Ibn Sa`d mentions that `Umar ordered Sulayman ibn Abi Hathmah to act as a separate imam for the women in the mosque, while men prayed behind another imam. This report records the first time that segregation was instituted in the mosque. It is possible to conjecture that since `Umar did not like his wife to go to the mosque but could not legitimately deny her access, he chose to implement segregation instead. Thus he was not prohibiting her, but rather was limiting her access. He also prevented the Prophet’s widows from going to the mosque in Makkah when he forbade them to perform pilgrimage. However, he seems to have relented before his death and allowed them to go.

Ibn Sa`d reports that when `Uthman came to power, he once again allowed women to pray together with men, but in a segregated manner: behind the men and held back until the men departed.

This information goes a long way in explaining the background for the debates over the place of women during prayer. If segregation was instituted so early in the Prophet’s mosque in Madinah, then this would have provided an impetus for the pro-segregation group. Another factor could have been a sense of propriety or the need to assert male supremacy. The placement of women in the Makkan sanctuary would have been a very strong contrast, and could have provided an impetus for the opposing group. Also, the memory of the prophetic practice and loyalty to it could have been a driving force. It is interesting to note that no hadith seems to try to explain why the situation in Makkah was so very different. This would be left for later scholars to address.

By the end of the third Islamic century, the pattern of Islamic society, especially among the higher classes, had changed markedly from what had prevailed during the first period. The system of total segregation and seclusion of women had been instituted, and women no longer had the right to participate freely in public life.

CONCLUSION:
In light of the above, both material and textual sources indicate that changes took place during the second period. The material record (based on textual sources) indicates that women may have used separate compartments in the Jerusalem mosque. Women also could have been using separate entrances at other mosques. Ibn Sa`d’s report indicates that from the reign of `Umar, men and women were praying separately in the Prophet’s mosque. The situation in Makkah however, seems to have remained unchanged, especially during the pilgrimage season.

From this examination, we can see that the Hadith literature reflects a variety of trends. The first trend, I would argue, attempted to institute gender apartheid and legitimize the practice through select prophetic traditions. The second trend strongly opposed gender segregation on the grounds that it was not the Prophet’s practice. The third trend was an attempt to keep women from mosques altogether. Since it was phrased as a “better than” formula, rather than as a normative principle, it did not evoke a strong response. However, it did provide a basis for scholars to prevent women’s access to any mosque. The interactive period saw the institution and proliferation of gender segregation in the mosque.

The second and third trends reflected further developments away from the Qur’an and the Prophet’s normative practice. For example, it could be argued that if there were several rows between women and the imam, women could not engage in enjoining good and forbidding evil together with men, as outlined in 9:71. The mosque is the center of the Muslim community’s religious, cultural, and intellectual activity, and, as such, it should be possible to conform to God’s commands within it.

However, by placing women behind men and erecting physical barriers, it becomes very difficult for both women and men to follow these injunctions. Therefore, it can be argued that segregation is an impediment to carrying out the wilayah of Muslims, as described in 9:71.

The importance of wilayah is illustrated by an incident that took place during the reign of `Umar. In a sermon at the mosque, `Umar wished to limit the amount of money (mahr) paid to women upon marriage. A woman publicly disagreed with him, stating that he had no right to do so, for a specific Qur’anic verse (4:20) stated otherwise. He admitted that she was right and that he was wrong. His idea of reducing the bridal money represented an injustice to women – one that was openly contested and challenged by a woman of that time.

The situation of women in the mosque toward the end of the first quarter of the tenth century contrasts starkly with that of the “ideal” period. The descriptions of the mosques’ layout and the Qur’an indicate women’s complete access and participation. Perhaps the Qur’an’s importance lies not only in the historical information it contains, but also in the authority that Muslims give it: As it is the word of God, it has precedence over any other source. Perhaps in it lies hope for the future of women in the mosque.

by:
Nevin Reda (El-Tahry) is Assistant Professor of Muslim Studies at Emmanuel College, Tronoto, Canada